Willow Reed

Other Thresholds 9 min read

Caregiver identity and the invisible labor nobody counts

A household account book lying closed on a folded square of oat linen, its cover blank and its edges furred from handling, a pencil worn down to a two-inch stub beside it

The labor has a name. It has had several since 1987, published in real journals by women who saw it clearly. Naming it did not get it counted.

The labor has a name. It has had several since 1987, published in real journals by women who saw it clearly, and naming it did not get it counted.

I say that at the start because it argues with almost everything else I write. The premise of this site is that a word changes what you can see. Here the words arrived, and were good, and nothing followed them.

Where I am standing: two young children, and a mother who has started putting things away in the wrong cupboards. No diagnosis, nothing anyone would call care yet. So this is about the half I am doing and the half I can see coming.

The names have been there since 1987

In December 1987, in the journal Social Problems, the sociologist Arlene Kaplan Daniels published a paper titled "Invisible Work". Eight months earlier, in Signs, the anthropologist Micaela di Leonardo had published "The Female World of Cards and Holidays: Women, Families, and the Work of Kinship".

I have not been able to read either paper, so I will not tell you what is inside them. The titles and the dates are the point. Somebody had already called cards and holidays the work of kinship, in print, thirty-nine years ago.

It kept happening. In 2019, in the American Sociological Review, Allison Daminger published a study built on seventy interviews with members of thirty-five couples, arguing that a kind of household work had been misfiled. She called it cognitive labor and broke it into four parts: anticipating needs, identifying the options for meeting them, making decisions, and monitoring progress. The women in her study did more of the anticipating and more of the monitoring. On the deciding, participation was roughly equal.

That is a precise description of my Tuesday, and it was published seven years ago.

So the phrase everybody uses, the labor that has no name, is not quite true. I understand why we keep saying it, because it is what the work feels like. The accurate version is worse: it has been named repeatedly, well, for nearly forty years, and it changed nothing about whether anybody counts it. The other piece I have written about a name arriving late is about one that was kept from the woman it described. This is about words that were kept from nobody.

The accounts say it out loud

The reason nobody counts it is written down, which I did not expect.

The 2008 edition of the System of National Accounts, the international rulebook that decides what counts as economic production, has a section headed "The exclusion of most services produced for own use by households". A newer edition exists and I have not read it. Among the things the 2008 text excludes, where they are produced and consumed in the same household, are "the care, training and instruction of children" and "the care of sick, infirm or old people".

The reasons are given and they are not contemptuous. The activity sits apart from markets, and there are "typically no suitable market prices that can be used to value such services". Then it says the thing I have not stopped thinking about, which is that if the boundary were widened to take this work in, "virtually the whole adult population would be economically active and unemployment eliminated."

The work was not left out because it is small. It was left out because it is so large that counting it would break the instrument. The rule is not blind to the labor. It can see the labor perfectly well and steps around it on purpose, for reasons stated plainly and, on their own terms, correct.

That is a strange thing to be on the other side of.

The half that is not an activity

The time-use surveys have the same problem and solve it the same way.

The American Time Use Survey is the instrument that asks people what they did all day. Its 2026 user's guide says that "with the exception of the care of children under age 13, information on secondary activities is not collected in ATUS". Secondary means done while doing something else. Where a person reports both at once, the time "is attributed to primary care only".

So the survey collects the listening for small children, and only for them, keeping those hours outside the main totals, while nobody is asked that question about an aging parent at all.

The government's own definition of eldercare describes precisely what it is not measuring: the work, it says, can involve "providing companionship or being available to assist when help is needed", and so "it can be associated with nearly any activity."

Being available is not an activity. That is the whole difficulty in one line. The on-call half of caring attaches to everything, so it sits inside no category, and an instrument built out of categories cannot hold it. This is the same listening I once called the quality of attention that goes first, and what makes it impossible to recover is what makes it impossible to record.

What it is like to be uncountable

Here is the part I have not found written down anywhere.

If your work leaves no entry anywhere, there is one way for it to appear in the record, and that is for it to stop.

Nobody remarks that everyone had clean clothes this week. They remark on the week they did not. Nobody notices that the prescription was collected on the Thursday before it ran out, because the noticing was the work, the work succeeded, and a success here is indistinguishable from nothing having happened.

So the only evidence you can produce that you did anything is a failure, and you have to produce it yourself.

I wrote once that your body stops being yours and becomes infrastructure. I meant it as a complaint about being climbed on. The word is more exact than I wanted, because infrastructure is the class of thing nobody perceives until it fails. You can go years without appearing anywhere and then appear all at once, as a problem.

That is not the same as being unseen. Unseen is an oversight, and an oversight can be corrected by somebody looking harder. This is a boundary, drawn deliberately, with reasons, in documents. What being uncounted does to your sense of who you are is slower than being unnoticed, and it does not answer to being noticed.

Why I am not asking to be counted

The tidy ending is that somebody should put a number on it. I have read a lot of that and I do not want it. An invoice would mean the work was a transaction that had gone unbilled, and the parts of this I would least like to give up are not transactions. I do not want to be paid for knowing my daughter is frightened of the hand dryer.

Nor is it true that nothing is moving. The inter-secretariat group that maintains those accounts has endorsed a guidance note recommending that unpaid care hours be split into active and supervisory, and reported separately, which is the category I have just spent two sections calling impossible. It sits in the extended accounts rather than the headline ones, and a recommendation is not a statistic. But somebody is arguing about it in the right room.

What I want is smaller than a number. I want to be able to say what I did this week.

Because what two exclusions do, between them, is teach you to discount your own days. You get to Friday having held a household in your head since Monday, and you cannot name anything you produced. So you conclude you produced nothing, and then you go looking in your own character for why you are so tired. That happens inside one person, long before any ledger is consulted.

Where this stops being mine to talk about

This is an argument about accounting rules, not about health, and it stays there.

Exhaustion that does not lift is not an accounting problem, and I have written separately about what caring does to the self doing it. If nothing lifts at all, if you cannot function, or if your own thoughts frighten you, that belongs with a doctor or a psychologist this week rather than after it. No page can tell you which one you have. I have set out what one woman's account can and cannot do elsewhere.

What I still do not know

Whether I would recognize this work if somebody else were doing it.

I suspect not. I think I would see a woman who had her life in hand, and take the smooth surface at face value exactly the way it is taken at face value in me. Knowing the mechanism from the inside has not made me better at seeing it from the outside. Perhaps the ledgers are not the problem, and this is only what competence looks like from a distance, in which case there is nobody to be angry at, which I find harder.

What to carry

You have not failed to be noticed. You are outside the boundary of two systems of counting, each of which drew its line for a stated reason, and neither reason was about you.

Being overlooked is something you could fix by asking, and this is not. It also means the tiredness is not, on its own, evidence of a failing in you. It is evidence of work, held where work does not register.

So the only accounting available is the private one. On the Friday when you cannot say what you did, the answer is that nothing fell apart and you are the reason. This chapter of the site is about the passages nobody names, and this is the one where the naming already happened and was not enough. The first time it happened to me I spent a year looking for the fault in myself. I would rather you spent it knowing where the line is drawn.


Keep reading in Other Thresholds.

Willow Reed writes about matrescence and maternal identity. About Willow. Willow Reed is a pen name. The experience is not.

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